The all-but-invisible ceremony couldn't disguise the fact that Iraq has confounded the grand strategy of transformation that led the Bush administration to invade the country 15 months ago...
Bush will have to make clear that his conduct of foreign policy over the next four years would be better and wiser. That shouldn't be impossible: Over the past three months, Bush has quietly revamped his Iraq policy from the old "Field of Dreams" hope of transformation to a pragmatic and sometimes cold-blooded art of the possible. Bush should own up to this new realism on Iraq, and the change of course it represents, rather than continue with his moralizing rhetoric.
All Hail Moore
By DAVID BROOKS
In years past, American liberals have had to settle for intellectual and moral leadership from the likes of John Dewey, Reinhold Niebuhr and Martin Luther King Jr. But now, a grander beacon has appeared on the mountaintop, and from sea to shining sea, tens of thousands have joined in the adulation.
So it is worth taking a moment to study the metaphysics of Michael Moore. For Moore is not only a filmmaker; he is a man of ideas, and his work is based on an actual worldview.
Like Hemingway, Moore does his boldest thinking while abroad. For example, it was during an interview with the British paper The Mirror that Moore unfurled what is perhaps the central insight of his oeuvre, that Americans are kind of crappy.
"They are possibly the dumbest people on the planet . . . in thrall to conniving, thieving smug [pieces of the human anatomy]," Moore intoned. "We Americans suffer from an enforced ignorance. We don't know about anything that's happening outside our country. Our stupidity is embarrassing."
It transpires that Europeans are quite excited to hear this supple description of the American mind. And Moore has been kind enough to crisscross the continent, speaking to packed lecture halls, explicating the general vapidity and crassness of his countrymen. "That's why we're smiling all the time," he told a rapturous throng in Munich. "You can see us coming down the street. You know, `Hey! Hi! How's it going?' We've got that big [expletive] grin on our face all the time because our brains aren't loaded down."
Naturally, the people from the continent that brought us Descartes, Kant and Goethe are fascinated by these insights. Moore's books have sold faster there than at home. No American intellectual is taken so seriously in Europe, save perhaps the great Chomsky.
Before a delighted Cambridge crowd, Moore reflected on the tragedy of human existence: "You're stuck with being connected to this country of mine, which is known for bringing sadness and misery to places around the globe." In Liverpool, he paused to contemplate the epicenters of evil in the modern world: "It's all part of the same ball of wax, right? The oil companies, Israel, Halliburton."
In the days after Sept. 11, while others were disoriented, Moore was able to see clearly: "We, the United States of America, are culpable in committing so many acts of terror and bloodshed that we had better get a clue about the culture of violence in which we have been active participants."
This leads to Michael Moore's global plan of action. "Don't be like us," he told a crowd in Berlin. "You've got to stand up, right? You've got to be brave."
In an open letter to the German people in Die Zeit, Moore asked, "Should such an ignorant people lead the world?" Then he began to reflect on things economic. His central insight here is that the American economy, like its people, is pretty crappy, too: "Don't go the American way when it comes to economics, jobs and services for the poor and immigrants. It is the wrong way."
In an interview with a Japanese newspaper, Moore helped citizens of that country understand why the United States went to war in Iraq: "The motivation for war is simple. The U.S. government started the war with Iraq in order to make it easy for U.S. corporations to do business in other countries. They intend to use cheap labor in those countries, which will make Americans rich."
But venality doesn't come up when he writes about those who are killing Americans in Iraq: "The Iraqis who have risen up against the occupation are not `insurgents' or `terrorists' or `The Enemy.' They are the REVOLUTION, the Minutemen, and their numbers will grow — and they will win." Until then, few social observers had made the connection between Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and Paul Revere.
So we have our Sartre. And the liberal grandees Arthur Schlesinger, Ted Sorenson, Tom Harkin and Barbara Boxer flock to his openings. In Washington, a Senate vote was delayed because so many Democrats wanted to see his movie.
The standards of socially acceptable liberal opinion have shifted. We're a long way from John Dewey.
Vader: A small Rebel force has penetrated the shield and landed on Endor.
Emperor: Yes, I know.
Vader: My son is with them.
Emperor: Are you sure?
Vader: I have felt him.
Emperor: Strange that I have not. I wonder if your feelings on this matter are clear, Lord Vader?
Myth #1. Campus gay rights activism is motivated by a desire to protect students from imminent harm. It is not an effort to indoctrinate students. Nor is it in an effort to use tax dollars to win votes for candidates supporting the gay agenda.
Myth #2. Campus gay activists actually respect the views of people who have religious objections to homosexuality. In fact, some of them think that such people have a right to voice their objections to homosexuality at a public university.
Myth #3. Some diversity centers hold real debates exposing students to different opinions on the issue of gay marriage, rather than inviting multiple speakers who share exactly the same opinion.
Myth #4. College administrators believe that it is easier to advance the gay agenda by violating the United States Constitution. But, despite this, they respect the constitution at all times.
Myth #5. The people running campus diversity centers understand that political activism is supposed to be directed at governments by the people, not by governments at the people.
Myth #6. College administrators understand that constitutional rights belong to individuals. They also understand that "centers" run by the government do not have constitutional standing.
Myth # 7. Campus gay activists always tell the truth about the percentage of the population that is actually gay.
Myth #8. Because they are all very rational intellectuals, campus gay activists fully understand the problems associated with espousing a belief in a) the "gay" gene, b) a growing gay population, and c) the Darwinian notion of "survival of the fittest."
Myth # 9. Gay activists always tell the truth about the relationship between homosexual sodomy and AIDS. That is because they care more about the public health than the blind pursuit of sexual gratification.
WORD | Extrovert's Definition | Introvert's Definition |
Alone, adj. | Lonely. | Enjoying some peace and quiet. |
Book, n. | 1) Doorstop. 2) Paperweight. | 1) Source of comfort. 2) Safe and inexpensive method of traveling, having adventures, and meeting interesting people. |
Bored, adj. | Not frantically busy. | Stuck making small talk, and unable to escape politely. |
Extrovert, n. | A nice, normal, sociable person. Never surprises you with anything weird. | A boisterous person who may be very nice, but who is somewhat exhausting to spend time with. Usually not too deep, but fun. |
Free time, n. | A time when you do group activities. (See Introvert's Definition of work.) | A time when you read without interruption until you're in danger of going blind. |
Friend, n. | Someone who makes sure that you're never alone. | Someone who understands that you're not rejecting them when you need to be alone. |
Good manners, n. | Making sure people aren't left all by themselves. Filling in any silences in a conversation. | Not bothering people, unless it's necessary, or they approach you. (Sometimes you can bother people you know well, but make sure they aren't busy first.) |
Home, n. | A place to invite everybody you know. | A place to hide from everybody you know. |
Internet, n. | 1) Another medium for advertising. 2) A place where geeks with no life hang out. | A way to meet other introverts. You don't have to go out, and writing allows you to think before just blurting something out. |
Introvert, n. | One of those weirdos who like to read. Moody loners. Be careful not to tick them off; some of them are serial killers. | One who shows a perfectly natural restraint and caution when meeting new people. One who appreciates solitude. Often, one who enjoys reading and has a philosophical turn of mind. |
Love, n. | Never having to do anything alone. | Being understood and appreciated. |
Music, n. | Background noise. | Something with a tune and lyrics which may be moving and intelligent, or may be drivel. |
Phone, n. | Lifeline to other people - your reason for living. | Necessary (?) evil, and yet another interruption. Occasionally useful, but mostly a nuisance. |
Shell, n. | Something you find on the beach. | What people relentlessly nag you to come out of. Why do you have to leave it, if you're happy there? |
To go out, v. | Requires at least two people, and the more the better. Constant chatter, loud music, sports, crowds, and alcohol consumption are all fun components of going out. | Can be done alone or with others. Enjoyable if there's some point to it; i.e., in order to see a band, a movie, a play, or perhaps to have a stimulating discussion with one or two close friends. |
Work, n. | Having to read, write, listen, or concentrate on anything. | Being pestered every five minutes about something trivial, and not allowed to concentrate. |
"But -- I stopped Sirius and Professor Lupin from killing Pettigrew! That makes it my fault if Voldemort comes back!"
"It does not," said Dumbledore quietly. "Hasn't your experience with the Time-Turner taught you anything, Harry? The consequences of our actions are always so complicated, so diverse, that predicting the future is a very difficult business indeed...Professor Trelawney, bless her, is living proof of that... You did a very noble thing, in saving Pettigrew's life."
"But if he helps Voldemort back to power -- !"
"Pettigrew owes his life to you. You have sent Voldemort a deputy who is in your debt.... When one wizard saves another wizard's life, it creates a certain bond between them ... and I'm much mistaken if Voldemort wants his servant in the debt of Harry Potter."
"I don't want a connection with Pettigrew!" said Harry. "He betrayed my parents!"
"This is magic at its deepest, its most impenetrable, Harry. But trust me ... the time may come when you will be very glad you saved Pettigrew's life."
"You don't understand!" whined Pettigrew. "He would have killed me, Sirius!"
"THEN YOU SHOULD HAVE DIED!" roared Black. "DIED RATHER THAN BETRAY YOUR FRIENDS, AS WE WOULD HAVE DONE FOR YOU!"
Over the next few years, I did manage to serve on a number of hiring committees as my department (Criminal Justice) was rapidly growing in the 1990s. During those first few years, I heard and recorded a number of instances of direct and indirect religious and political discrimination. A number of those instances are summarized below:
*In 1996, the label “too religious” was attached to an applicant who had graduated from a religious institution. This is a direct example of religious discrimination.
*In 1996, the label “too conservative” was attached to an applicant who had written an article for a conservative publication. This is a direct example of political discrimination.
*In 1996, the label “too much of a family man” was attached to an applicant who was married and had several children before the age of 30. This is an indirect example of religious discrimination.
*In 1997, a feminist objected to another female candidate after having dinner with the applicant and her husband. She specifically complained that the applicant’s husband played “too dominant a role in the marriage.” In other words, only women who are also feminists need to apply. This is an indirect example of political discrimination.
*In 2001, a job candidate was asked the following question during an interview: “Who did you vote for in the 2000 election?” No explanation necessary.
George W. Bush's approval ratings are at a low. Some liberals, reports New Republic Editor Jonathan Chait, find Bush's very existence to be "a constant oppressive force in their daily psyche." Now even conservatives — such as columnists George Will, David Brooks and Robert Kagan — are pouring forth despair over the president's Iraq policies.
But my admiration for the man — for whom I refused to vote in year 2000 — grows ever higher.
A president's chief duty is to keep the nation safe in the dangerous tides of international politics. In 2000, I found candidate Bush too little engaged with this challenge. But since 9/11, he has offered the kind of leadership that ranks him with the greatest presidents of my lifetime, Harry Truman and Ronald Reagan. [...]
Are we safer now than we were before we began to fight back against the terrorists? Perhaps not, just as we were not safer when we began to resist Hitler, prompting him to declare war on us. Back then, we were not safer until we had won. And we will not be safe now until we have defeated the terrorists and their backers.
Would some other president have made the same brave choice as George Bush to shoulder this "long twilight struggle"? Not Bill Clinton, whose eye was always on the electoral calendar. Not the elder Bush, who didn't think much of "the vision thing." And surely not John Kerry, who tells us that he voted against the Iraq war of 1991 although he was really for it and voted for the Iraq war of 2003 although he was really against it. Kerry offers, in short, all the leadership of a whirling dervish. Truman? Reagan? Perhaps. But 9/11 came when George W. Bush was in office. He has risen to the challenge of a vicious enemy. I wish I could vote for him twice this time — to make up for having underestimated him so badly in 2000.